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tv   House Majority Whip Clyburn Discusses Legislative Priorities  CSPAN  April 9, 2021 3:08pm-4:14pm EDT

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and follow our congressional coverage anytime at for listen on the free c-span radio app. >> next come a conversation with house majority whip james clyburn. it includes his involvement in the civil rights movement and the recent senate elections in georgia and the senate the buster. this event was held by videoconference and hosted by american university. >> our mission at the center is to strengthen the democratic square so he could not be more honored to be joined by someone who has been strengthening that square for several decades. whether you want to call him a kingmaker washington whisper or something else, congressman
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clyburn showed his last year that his voice might be the most influential one in the entire democratic party. when he talks, people listen. that explains why we are all here tonight. i probably don't have to offer a more formal introduction than that i will do so anyway. congressman clyburn has represented south carolina's six congressional district since 1993. he has been elected chairman of the congressional black caucus and vice chairman and later chairman of the house democratic caucus. this is his second stint as majority whip. he previously served in that role from 2007-2011 and has served as assistant democratic leader from 2011-2019. congressman clyburn also serves as the chairman of the house subcommittee on the coronavirus crisis. he is also the chairman of the rural broadband task force and democratic face working group. as a national leader, he has championed rule and economic development and many of his
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initiatives have become law. his efforts have restored scores of historic buildings, sites on the campuses of historically black colleges and universities as legislation has greeted the south carolina national heritage corridor and the cultural heritage corridor. it elevated the congaree national monument between national park and is established addition has established south carolina in the low country. congressman clyburn's humble beginnings in sumter, south carolina is the eldest son of an activist, fundamentalist minister and an independent civic minded beautician garnered him securely family, face and public service. his memoir," blessed experiences," was published in 2015 and has been described as a primer that should be read by every student interested in pursuing a career in public service. congressman clyburn is not the only reason we are here tonight. we are also honored to be joined
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by my colleague and dare i say friend, professor valaria sinclair chapman. she has expertise in politics, minority representation, voting rights, political participation, coalition politics and social movements. broadly construed, or research examines the effects of racial, ethnic and gender diversity of political institutions and engagements. she is author or co-author of a long list of journal articles, book chapters and award-winning book. in 1992, she spent a year working for representative maxine waters is a legislative fella for the women's research and education institute stub she currently serves as a co-editor for the simple science review,
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the nation's premier political science journal. she is a founding director of the institute for civic lee engaged research hosted by tufts. university here's how -- dr. sinclair chapman will open it up and then we will open things up to all of you to get you in on the act. these poster questions at any time during the conversation using theq&a tool in zoom. keep your questions civil, avoid grandstanding and follow the alex trebek rule of actually asking your question in the form of the question. with that, i will go ahead and turn the virtual mic over to va laria. >> thank you. it's such a pleasure, congressmen to be here and i want to say good evening and welcome step i
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would also like to mention that like you, i am a child of the south, i grew up in fayetteville, north carolina, the home of fort bragg and the 82nd airborne. my father is from lumberton, north carolina my mother is from greenville, south carolina. i enjoyed reading your book," blessed experiences." one of the things at the beginning you say is that you would have actually [indiscernible] there was something special about being an african-american from the south and the time you grew up in and doing the work you did. you have had a storied history as an activist on the street, in boardrooms and the national legislation -- legislature. what would you add is the next chapter to your book? >> thank you very much for having me and thanks to all who
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are participating this evening for allowing me the opportunity to spend some time with you. to answer your question, if i were going to write another chapter, i would probably would entitle it " the more things change, the more they stay the same." my first meeting with john lewis and it was also the weekend of the assassination of martin luther king jr.. that was the weekend of our tober 14 or 15, 19 60 took place
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on the campus of morehouse college. it was at a time when people don't talk about it a lot but there was significant friction between martin luther king jr. and those of us. you mentioned north carolina but earlier that year, in the spring of that year, we met near raleigh, north carolina. we discovered at that time that things were too fractured and we need to have coordination. we decided to meet again down in atlanta at morehouse college. that is the name, the student non-violent coordinating committee. we want to have coordination around the college campuses because after february 1, 1960
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on the campus, not on the campus but north carolina amt students having a sit in, things got fractured. a lot of people missed this but up until that time, king had never been to jail. he was also to sue -- she was also pretty -- preaching unjust laws and had never been to jail. the meeting was all about you have to practice what you preach. it was right after that meeting that king went to jail for the first time. it was the following week. when you look at that, look at where we are now, i suspect or conclude that i need to write a chapter on the more things change, the more they stay the
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same. the reason i say chapter and not another book is that i am starting a new book now. i don't know what the title would be. the first book i did was a tabletop of the people who started [indiscernible] that became brown v. board of education. my second book was my memoirs. of course, i said that all of my experiences have not been pleasant but i consider all of them to be blessings. this third book, have not decided what the title will be.
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it may not be what i just said because when i started out writing, i had another title. i too am i so than her and i changed it because -- i too am a southerner but i changed it. that's what it would be. >> thank you, congressman. looking for your book and hearing your description ofsncc and the activism at shaw university in 1961 with ella baker, there is so much history in the blessed experiences, it was really just amazing to read. i am really happy to have
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connected with it. also, you were an historian. it's so rich. i think we are awaiting for this next book so we are looking forward to that. you mentioned blessed experiences, you are a preacher's kid and i'm sure many in the audience share that upbringing. i welcome your thoughts on the role of religion and politics. recent reporting suggests church membership is declining, that it's at the lowest level in decades but americans seem to be clamoring for a connection to a story bigger than their own individual self-interest. i'm thinking here of the new poor people's campaign that's organized by reverend barber, also a north carolinian, leader of the naacp from a small town in north carolina. he has championed a nonpartisan progressive alternative to the
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conservative evangelical religious movement. his approach might be a model. the question for you, sir, is what can the democratic party do to appeal to the public interest in the face of this larger purpose? >> i think what we must do, it seems to me, is combat this notion that evangelicals in the broad sense are the spokespeople for people of faith. the fact of the matter is, we have to keep in mind that the ku klux klan used as their symbol the cross. a lot of people don't focus on the fact that one of the original names, i say one because there were different factions of the ku klux klan,
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was the white christian knights. white christian knights. we tend to gloss over the fact that there was a point back in the 1920's when after an after church event that took place in the town square, they went down to watch a hanging. a lot of people gloss over the fact that they -- that there have been speeches given from the legislatures in the south in support of slavery. when you look at all of that,
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you have to come to grips with the fact that we've got to decide whether or not we will continue to allow biblical teachings to be used to support submissiveness and -- i'm trying to stay away from but i have to use it -- do you support slavery. people go all the way back to genesis to make the argument in support of the difference in who is blessed and who is cursed. my dad and i used to talk all
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the time about the ministry. i had a discussion one time where he raised the issue -- where i raise the issue of mint -- of missionary work. and i asked my dad. i was already sort of smart so i asked my dad. dad, explain to me what happened to those people in africa who died before the christian missionaries got there. if there teachings were required to save their souls, what happened to the ones before they got there? i knew the moment i asked the
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question that i never should have asked that question. i don't remember exactly how the conversation concluded but i knew i should -- i would never ask that question again and i also knew deep down inside that i probably would not for going into the ministry. i would say this to all christians, one of my favorite verses in the bible, i have two favorite bible verses. the first one is old testament. michael6:8 - weary tells men what is required, love and mercy, that's my favorite of all. in hebrews, the first verse,
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faith, substance, the evidence of faith unseen. these are two scriptures i live by. i know that most democrats of faith tend to rush to matthew 25 to express their feelings about service. it goes right into verse 45, doing for the least of these. i remind people i talk to that there are 44 versus in matthew 25 before you get down to that thought. all of those verses have various parables, one of which is the parable of the tablets. people using their talents
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hopefully for positive or losing them. i say to people all the time, read the other 44 versus ansi -- and see what is required of you as you build up for doing for the least of these. >> thank you, congressman. just to add onto that briefly. that parable of talents is one that has been a guiding one for me, too because he said -- because the servant says i hid them in the ground because you are a hard taskmaster. >> that was taken away from him >> >>. you have to be willing to leave it all on the field. that's the character your life is demonstrated. >> thank you.
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>> you mentioned your father was a renowned pastor. . your mother was an entrepreneur. what are your thoughts on entrepreneurship more generally, those people who are self-employed and really struggling coming out of the last year with the shutdowns and the cost of the pandemic and that these experiences have disproportionately affected black and brown communities and women in terms of moving forward. what are your thoughts about entrepreneurship given you grew up in a house with a highly entrepreneurial mother and what are you thinking about how we will go forward and recover? >> i'm glad you mentioned my mom.
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when i talk to people about my book, everybody tells me that the type of book they appreciate most. everybody seemed to really enjoy getting to know my mom. my mother overcame some real obstacles. she grew up on a farm. somewhere down the way, she talked to her dad into letting her leave the farm and go to school. none of her siblings finished high school. she left the farm and went to living with the family about 20 miles away and she get house with them and in return, they center to high school. it was a boarding school which i also went to to graduate from.
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i had an experience there one time and i think i tell this in the book. when i got to school, i got into some trouble. it was in serious trouble but it got me thrown out of school. i called her to come get me. she came and then i had all my stuff packed to go home and she never got out of the car. i went out to meet her and i told her what had happened and then she cranked the car up and rolled up the window and i said i have to get my stuff stuck she rolled the window down and she looked at me and said james, i believe i could live in hell for three months if i knew i was
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going to get out. you've got three months left in school. i think you can live in hell for three months. and she drove off. it wasn't quite hell for the next three months but i figured it out. our house got burned down. my mom had a beauty shop in the house. it was 1953 i think the year was. she overcame all of that. when she passed, she had to beauty shops, 16 operators, but she always operated that one could live in hell for three months if they knew they were going to get out. i learned a lot from my dad but i think my mom taught me more
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than anything else. i tend to be more like her than i am like my dad. i looked more like him and i've taken on his teachings. my personality and what i am, i think i am my mother. >> i don't think that's so unusual. i wonder, given what you said about how your mother suggested that you can survive for a short while in a hard place. i wonder your thoughts about the protest of last summer, the organized protests against police brutality and now we are
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in the midst of the trial against derek chauvin. are these types of protest able to influence public policy at the national level? >> i think so. i also think that what you have to do is be careful not to allow the protests and your methods, even your language to undercut the cause. when john lewis and i were in s ncc john lewis was lionized by the time he died. the state of georgia, they have already decided they will replace one of their statues in statuary hall with a likeness of john lewis. he deserves all of that.
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i must add that the state of florida is going to replace their confederate general, i never lived in florida and i can understand weight they had him there is a statue, they will take that out and replace it. these are historic things. there are other statues up there as well, harriet tubman, rosa parks but all of them were put there by congress. each state gets to statues. they have the right to put into statues in the capitol building. john lewis will be the second person of color as a statue. i think it's important for us to know but you have to understand
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that what has happened last summer with black lives matter, john and i talked about on the floor. we were talking one day at the back of the chamber after he told me that things with him were coming to an and, his illness was terminal and we talked about black lives matter and talked about what was going on. then we also said that we were hopeful, that things would not happen to them the way it happened to us. we were doing fine with sncc. we woke up one day and there was
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a new slogan on the street, burn, baby, burn. we had the same fear we would wake up one day with that defund the police. we saw that as a wedge to undermine the movement. burn, baby, turn change the country but there is something to be said about those promises. i call it the way i see it. burn, baby, burn destroyed our movement. john lewis refused to accept it and refused to say it and they got together and kicked him out of sncc. people don't know that john lewis was kicked out of it and
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left georgia. he stayed for a year up in new york before coming back and taking over the project from vernon jordan. that's why the two of us spoke out against that slogan defund the police. people still argue about it. i can tell you that those kind of slogans can kill a movement. enough people stood up and what we are seeing now is kind of
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interesting. i was on some program the other day and i was asked about that. i sit it's kind of interesting to me that two people standing in that street filmed it, the video or whatever you do, recording that event, two people called the police. if they were anti-police, why did they call the police on the police? they dialed 911 and said there is a bad cop out here. if you want a good cup to come out here and do something about it. black people are not against the police, they are against bad police. and there are some. there is a trail going on right now highlighting the fact that there are bad policeman. i often tell the story of my dad
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was president of his presbyterian group in the first conversation i eavesdropped on was with my dad and several of his cabinet were discussing the defrocking of a minister. they got rid of the minister. they didn't get rid of the church or burn the church, they got rid of the minister. i try to say that to my friends and i have relatives who are police officers. we aren't against police. we are against bad police. there can be bad baptist or band lawyers. i saw two lawyers last week disbarred because they are bad lawyers. the same thing happened with doctors, they lose their licenses.
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why is it that all of a sudden, we cannot see that there are some policeman who ought not to be policeman. it's that simple. >> congressman, i think your point is interesting and icy echoes from your own history. there is an impatience we see in the street but what you are pointing to is there often has to be some strategy that if you want to create the change, you have to play a long game. >> absolutely. >> some strategy in working with policymakers suddenly, there is a lot of merit to what you are saying. people say they want police to protect and serve and we certainly don't want to be brutalized and i don't think that's the question.
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it's interesting to me because i think the congressional black caucus has for a long time played a role in critiquing violence and police brutality. you are certainly not a stranger to that but there has to be a strategy to move forward that makes policymaking possible. i agree with that. i wonder if i can segue. you actually made me think about -- you do take some hard stance. if i had to choose a favorite chapter from your book, it was about the confederate flag because there were so many ups and downs and twists and turns. it could be a lifetime movie. you can get caught up in it. i don't want to go down that route. i want to ask you a question about working across the aisle. you had some opposition with the
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senator from your state, senator strom thurmond? but you also report that there were some times and you were able to work with him to solve problems. do you think that would be possible to do now or has the nation become so intolerant to that kind of compromise and working across the aisle but also with people who are diametrically opposed your own view? >> i did work with strom thurmond. a lot of times, you have to establish some kind of the foundation upon which to build a relationship. fortunately for me, i was in the employment security commission. i left teaching history in public schools and went to work because back then, teachers were not allowed to be too political
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and i've always been very political. i left the classroom and went to the commission. i went to work there and i really got involved politically but one of the people that i met , in fact we work in the same office, her desks -- our desks were touching was gertrude thurmond. that was strom thurmond's sister and we struck up a friendship. strom thurmond got elected to congress and told me how much his sister gertrude thought of me. i/o is catalog's comments to use when i would need it in conversation. we did work together on various things.
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that did not keep me from naming at the courthouse in colombia for matthew perry who was an african-american jurist who had been a civil rights lawyer and had been my lawyer both times that i went to jail and both times i was tried. many times people don't mention jail but there were two big trials. matthew perry was my lawyer and we got to be very good friends. i went to the new -- i wanted the new courthouse in columbia to be named matthew perry and strom thurmond wanted his name on it was that we had a public disagreement on it. i will never forget there was a reporter in columbia who wrote this op-ed piece about my differences with strom thurmond. he wrote was -- who was going to
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win that. jesse helms and i differed, he was never dead she would never approve a black judge. jesse helms would never return the blue slip on the black judge. he wouldn't do it. i asked you about ron johnson up there in wisconsin. what's his name down in kentucky. these guys are letting you 10 -- are letting you know up front they feel. you cannot let them carry the day. i won that battle. it's a long story as to how i wanted.
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i don't want to waste your time today but i one that and i won the argument with jesse helms. the senior judge in the fourth circuit court of appeals to this day is ron gregory, an african-american judge from virginia who never got the blue slip returned from jesse helms. jesse helms would not approve a black judge. but i got to bill clinton so that was a win for me and i told him i would be inclined to do it if he would appoint roger gregory to the fourth circuit court of appeal and it was a recess employment. congress was out. he appointed roger gregory and then you talk about strategy and not only did he get the job but
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he is still not a senior judge in the fourth circuit court of appeals when it used to be the most segregated circuit is now one of the most integrated ones. >> it's amazing. i have one last question and then we will open up the floor for questions from the audience and david will be the moderator. i can talk to you all day. i am already to talk about the people who rescued you from the icy road but we are not going there. not right now. >> we can. >> no, i have a question. another time, congressman i hope. let me ask you this question. after the 2012 election, i was struck by mitt romney's answer to a reporter's question. reporter asked, what will you do next? here this man was on the most
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public stage having just fell in his biggest gambit to run for president. but mr. romney did not miss a beat, he merely answered that he was not sure. now he has a senate seat from the great state of utah. you on the other hand are writing a winning streak right now. your endorsements have made and revised careers of president obama in 2008 and a president biden and 2020. you also have known the sting of defeat. if this is not to forward to ask, do you see yourself as the successor to nancy pelosi, the nation's first black speaker of the house? is that a possibility? >> no.i won't miss a beat. you have to be real about that. the fact of the matter is, i
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think there will be an african-american speaker of the house. there were several people that i think fit into that category, people like cedric richmond who was not going off to the white house, marcia foote who is now going to be secretary and hakeem jeffries who is still there. i suspect his name will come up. his name is in the conversation with the possibility of being speaker of the house. he is building a kind of resume that could be successful. i think he is poised to be in the running. there is a young lady, ms.
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underwood from illinois who i think a lot of stuff she is just in her second term. i don't know how long that would be. i've had too many birthdays so my next job after he quit would probably be [indiscernible] >> hopefully we still hear your stories and benefit from your history and knowledge and experience you so graciously share with us tonight. thank you, congressman, it has been a pleasure, an absolute pleasure to have this discussion with you and i will turn it over to david now to continue. >> thank you so much, professor and thank you, congressman. i could listen to you to talk
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for the next four hours. we did promise error engaged audience that we would open it up to them. i'm just going to pick a few of these questions for you. i will let you answer them as you wish. the first one is from wendy smooth. representative clyburn, thank you for your amazing career and service. as a seven or -- as a fellow seven or, georgia has given me new hope that speaks to a progressive politics. what kinds of instructor -- what kind of infrastructure investment is the democratic party repaired to invest in in other deep southern states? we might see the emergence of a new southern strategy. >> thank you very much for that question. i think it is a critical question. it's something we have to think hard about.
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stars align and the stars were aligned this time for the kind of result we got out of georgia. what we have to keep in mind is that politics in this country run like the pendulum on the clock. it goes right for a while and then it goes back to left and then it goes back right. until people all the time, when it goes from left to right it goes through the center. we have to remember that our politics as a nitrogen -- as a nation is not right or left. we went left to elect obama, we went right to electron, we went in medially back to left.
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immediately, the legislature in georgia started doing things moving back to the right. that's what we have to always keep in mind. you ask about the infrastructure . what we are going to have to do is stay engaged, stay focused and keep in mind that there is no linear movement in politics in this country. it is always a pendulum. left to right, right to left and it's the word of the boater that determines how long is it in one area or the other. >> that's great insight, i really appreciate that. this next question is harkening back to the question you answered earlier about black lives matter. she says beyond policing, would you characterize the criminal justice system overall is having
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more of a few bad apples or as a systematically -- or as systematically flawed? >> i don't think the system a systematically flawed, there are more than a few bad apples, no question about that stuff i think what we have done to the police is what we've done to gun ownership. we have treated these things with absolutes. you hear us talk about qualified immunity. i am not against qualified immunity but it cannot be absolute. that's what we have done is given police officers absolute immunity, we don't give that to any other profession in this country. why do we do it for police officers? no, i don't think the system itself is flawed. i just think we have been flawed
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in our oversight of the system. we have allowed more spaces, we should not allow community -- communities or commissions to have any say so -- we haven't allowed committees or commissions to have any say so about policing. why not? it's like we did with gun ownership. first amendment is a great amendment to the constitution but people often say you do not have absolute immunity when you put this to work. the same thing should be true for the second amendment. why is it that in the first amendment would not allow one to yell fire in a crowded theater but the second amendment is
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absolute. it's crazy. >> good point. our third question is from michael. he says that we hear a lot of negative things in congress such as party polarization, how the parties cannot get things done. we don't hear enough about the positive changes that have occurred in the institution over time. in light of your tenure in congress, can you please share some of the positive changes from your point of view that have occurred since you been there? >> once again, you go right to left, left to right. i've seen many changes since i've been there. by the way,gulllah is gullah. i have been able to get
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legislation passed. there were some pretty progressive issues. for some strange reason, we have decided or too many people in congress have decided that it is more important to win an argument then to really move the agenda forward. we are supposed to be in pursuit of a more perfect union. you don't do that by turning the clock back on voting. you don't do that by turning the clock back on anything. you do that by continuing this pursuit. it stands to reason that we have fits and starts. what we've got now is the notion
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that the most important thing going is to win the argument. if you call timeout to get together. play football, you go into the huddle. sometimes, you kick the ball away and give the other team the ball to get in a better position to improve your position on the field. we don't do that in politics. we have to win every argument. it's one of the things i tried to teach young people. have a group called the clyburn fellows.
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i meet with them periodically. i'm not the only person that meets with them. i try to tell them that we have to keep in mind that all of us have a reserve exit experiences and we will see the world different. you should never consider one to be right or wrong. when i first got into politics, someone said to me, don't ever call a man a liar. they too differ but never call a man a liar. i've lived with that. we have to see, because my background and my experience, i stayed with the same woman for 58 years and i can tell you right now, we saw the world differently.
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>> [laughter] i've that. the next question is from carlos. thank you for coming to speak to us. i'm a member from claremont graduate university in claremont, california and i want to hear thoughts on those who suggest that no deliberation occurs in the u.s. house. we see this argument from defenders of the filibuster. this would simply become the house. we were hoping to hear your thoughts on that. >> i'm assuming you are saying the senate is becoming the house. >> just majoritarian. >> look, we have >> yes. it would be majoritarian.
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>> look, we allowed for reconciliation that gets around the filibuster when it comes to the budget. and you can't let the country collapse on the altar of a filibuster. the constitution, i don't think the constitution should be allowed to be jeopardized by filibusters. the filibuster is supposed to be there to allow for an extension of debate. i see a thing one way, you see it another way, maybe i can convince more of these people to see it my way if i had more time to talk. that is what the filibuster is all about, extending the debate,
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but that is not what the filibuster has become. it is being used to deny constitutional rights, and that is why i said the filibuster needs to have a point of reconciliation, as we do with the budget. you should not be able to filibuster my constitutional rights, my voting rights, and so i think that is where we have to draw the line. if i have a legislative issue and want to pass a law, one program took me six years to get passed, but that is an issue that did not involve anybody's constitutional rights, anybody's voting rights, it is just
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whether or not we have this program to deal with rural energy policy. all these bills i have passed took me more than one term of congress to get passed, but it was not denying anybody the right to vote or constitutional rights, so i don't think it should be subjected to the filibuster. i think people are wrong when they say they should have the filibuster with these constitutional issues that will turn the senate into a house, i don't think so. >> thanks. i have another one here for you. we have lost a number of key members and the black caucus in recent years, with the most recent passing of representative hastings. there has been the emergence of
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an influential generation of junior members. are you optimistic about the trajectory of the caucus moving forward? >> yes, i am, very much so. i didn't event yesterday, i mentioned laura underwood, other people. these are all people, younger members with tremendous -- i just mentioned someone else, yeah, absolutely. when i got to congress, my class came in in january 1993, we pretty much almost doubled the size of the congressional black caucus. when it was formed, there were eight african-american members of congress. today, 59? so, yeah. we knew each other when we were
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college students. we talk about that a lot, but i always remind him that i was an undergraduate law student, but we knew each other. we saw this 20-year-old college student, sure, there are a lot of young people coming along. i feel great hope for the future. i don't have any doubt that the talent will be there. the talent is there, but there is a big difference in having the talent and having the opportunity, so i don't want anybody to get this messed up, there are a lot of talented people. i often tell the story of,,
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edison was one of the great inventors of all time -- thomas edison was one of the greatest inventors of all time, but someone else invented the filament. most people don't know that. he was a smart guy, the son of slaves. he escaped to massachusetts, but he came up with a carbon filament that made, edison's lightbulb work -- made edison's lightbulb work, so he never got credit for it, but that did not mean he did not do it, so just because you don't have the opportunity doesn't mean you don't have the wherewithal. there are a lot of young black people that have what it takes to be outstanding legislators, president, vice president.
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the question is, will they have the opportunity? >> excellent point. do you have time for one more? this is from tyson king meadows. he says, the supreme court has steadily whittled away at congressional prerogatives over the years. the most egregious perhaps in recent memory was the shelby decision. given the enormous power congress holds in article one, might we see the court again reject national standards, if the john lewis voting rights advancement act becomes law? >> yes, you could very well see that, but they will have to find another way. i have proposed something and i am having negotiations, discussions, not negotiations, but discussions with senators.
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remember, the john lewis voting rights act is to restore section four of the voting rights act of 1965. section five allows for or cannot operate without section four. section four is where the formula is, and that is what the robber's got rid of, pre-clearance, the formula. the reason we have the formula is it did not apply to every state, it only applied to six states, a few other states, including new york and arizona. they are covered by the civil rights act of 1965. now, suppose we did a john lewis voting rights act with
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pre-clarence thomas applied to all 50 states, we would need a formula that would apply to all 50 states. i have read that there are 47 states that have proposed various voting limitations they did not have before the last election. now, if that is true, that means that only three states you could apply to -- if you apply to all 50 states, which is what i'm advocating, and i have talked to several senators who say, why are we waiting around for a formula to come up? let's just pass the john lewis voting rights act, saying you cannot pass any kind of constraint on voting in elections, unless it is precleared by the justice
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department. that is what i think we ought to do. >> ok. thank you so much. we will let you enjoy a little bit of your evening now. this has been terrific, and we are so grateful, there you are. thank you so much for posting this for us, and for serving in your role, i just think this whole thing was terrific and i recommend everybody give another virtual round of applause. with that, unless you have any final words? >> no, just thank you so much, congressman for sharing your time with us and stories in history and experience. we are all waiting for this next book, so get to it. >> thank you very much. >> yeah, get on that. >> i am on that. >> you have work to do, too.
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thanks a bunch. good night everybody. announcer: today, republican congressman matt gaetz of florida's speaks at the america summit in miami. life coverage begins at 7:00 p.m. eastern on c-span, online at, or listen live with the free c-span radio app. ♪ announcer: c-span's washington journal, every day we take your calls life on the air on the news of the day, and discussed policy issues that impact you. saturday morning, a conversation with the political activists about her podcast, the brown girl's guide to politics, and part of our spotlight on magazine segment, we speak with unite america executive director on his piece in the atlantic, party primaries must go. watch c-span's washington journal live at 7:00 p.m. eastern saturday morning and join the discussion with your phone calls, facebook comments,
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texts, and tweets. announcer: sunday on question-and-answer, a conversation on the impact of lady bird johnson compared to the presidency compared other first ladies with the senior research fellow at the lbj school of public affairs at the university of texas austin. >> i see her as the bridge between eleanor roosevelt and hillary clinton. she has the commitment to developing policy agenda that reinforces and elevates her husband. she has the public role, not quite as broad because she did not have a radio program or column, but this woman was out campaigning for her husband and working hand in glove to elevate his presidency. eleanor roosevelt was in the white house longer than lady
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bird johnson, i see her mod modernizing the office, the first person to do that after world war ii. announcer: the author of lady bird johnson, hiding in plain sight, sunday at 8:00 p.m. eastern on c-span's q&a. you can listen to q&a as a podcast where you get your podcasts. announcer: congress returns from their holiday recess next week. the senate returns monday at 3:00 p.m. eastern to continue work on the nomination for the deputy transportation secretary, the number two post under pete buttigieg. later in the week, senators work on more nominations, including wendy sherman to be deputy secretary state, and the chair of the securities and exchange commission. the house is back tuesday for legislative business. this week, members are expected
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to work on equal pay for women legislation, as well as a bill to prevent workplace violence against health care and social services workers. president biden's infrastructure and jobs package is not expected on the house floor until later in the spring or early summer. watch live coverage of the house on c-span, the senate on c-span two, and follow our congressional coverage anytime at or listen on the free c-span radio app. announcer: the white house covid-19 response team gave an update on new infection rates and vaccination efforts earlier today. we will hear from dr. anthony found she, the cdc director, and the surgeon general.


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