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tv   After Words Robert Woodson Red White and Black - Rescuing American...  CSPAN  July 19, 2021 1:00am-2:01am EDT

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♪ up next, on book tv's afterwards program, mr. woodson discusses his critique of the 1619 project with author randall kennedy. afterwards is a weekly interview program with relevant guest hosts, interviewing top non-fiction authors about their latest work. >> i look forward very much to our discussion of your book, red, white, and black, rescuing
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american history from revisionist and race hustlers. why don't we begin by your telling the audience what you were offering in this book and why they should want it. >> well, we wrote this in response to the new york times publication of 1619, a series of essays by black journalists and others, led by nicole hanna jones, where in essence it redefined america's birthday from 1776 to 1619 at the time when slaves, 20 slaves first arrived on the shores of virginia. and it goes on to say that the revolutionary war was fought to defend slavery. it also made other false claims. but it also tries to redefine america as systemically racist and that all whites are villains
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and that all blacks are victims and it offers a very dire picture of the country. it also makes the false claims that the current challenges facing many in the black community, are a direct legacy of the shadow of slavingery and jim -- slavery and jim crow. and since the messenger here was black, we thought the counter-narrative should be also authored by a black. we did not want to offer a point by point debate or he rebuttal. we wanted to offer an inches ins inspirational narrative that acknowledges what 1619 did, slavery has been under-reported
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and poorly examined. we aca knowledge that. but the -- acknowledge that. but the conclusions we reached are very different than what is articulated in 1619 so we brought together a group of scholars, of journalists and activeists, different ideological stripes and so we authored these essays to offer -- to establish the fact that 1776 is the birthday of america and the values of our founders, no matter how flawed, have been the foundation upon which blacks were able to survive slavery and discrimination, the foundation of family, faith and an attitude of self-determination and so we felt that it was important for this book to be written, to give an alternative vision to america
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about the plight of blacks. we should never be defined by slavery or jim crow. we were more than that. >> tell us about your title. let me read the title again. "red, white and black, rescuing american history from revisionists and race hustlers." now, there's a lot there. let's begin with red, white and blech. what is red, white and black supposed to signify? >> it significant phi knees that -- signifies that black americans are a part of this nation, that we are not some species set apart and, therefore, we claim this heritage and blacks fought in every war in the country and died, my father was a veteran of the first world war and died as a result of war related wounds.
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so it's supposed to signify that black americans are an integral part of this nation and deserve to be so. but we also know that there have been people who have profited off of racial grievance and in fact i left the civil rights movement in the '60s because i believe that a lot of those who suffered and sacrificed did not benefit from the change and that i remember demonstrating outside of wyatt laboratories and when they desegregated they hired nine black phd chemists. we asked them to join us. they said they were qualified not because of people who were janitors, hairdressers, factory workers, who did not benefit. i realized after two or three such encounters that i was in the wrong struggle. in fact, i have a headline in my
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office that was written by the late bill wrathberry, a headline in 1965, poor negroes do not benefit from the gains of the civil rights movement and it goes on to list the reasons. so i believe that there has been a bifurcation of the black community that existed since then and continues to this day. >> okay. let's -- i still want to stick s on your title for a bit. rescuing american history. >> yes. american history as it was told as it is unfolded, 1619, does not really talk about the true authentic picture of blacks. blacks are never defined by slavery. so some of our essays, for instance, looks at the records
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of six major plantations at the end of slavery, to look at what was happening in the family. they found that 70% of slave families had a man and a woman raising children. and this tradition of two-parent households continued for a century afterwards. also, when whites were at their worst, blacks were at their best. during that period, the literacy rates of blacks was like 75% and in less than 50 years that number reduced to 25% to the point where when the government sent workers south to aid the black community in becoming literate, they found there was very little they could do because the institutions that had been established in the black church was already attacking that problem and they found nowhere in the history of the world did a people move from
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a 75% illiteracy rate down to 25% in such a short period of time and so again, our essays, we also talk about how we achieved against the odds under very difficult circumstances. for instance, in 1929, in chicago's brownfield section, when we were denied access of to financing from banks, venture capital, blacks established 731 black-owned businesses in 1929 with $100 billion in real estate assets in almost every major city there was kind of a black wall street. but these stories of triumph in the face of our position are not shared with the public. and so these essays were intended to share new insight. i spoke at the university of
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talladega in louisiana and when i shared with these students the histories of blacks who achieved against the odds, some of the students came up to me in tears and said mr. woodson, why don't our leaders ever tell us the stories of triumph in the face of oppression? why aren't we ever told this? >> just to finish it out, so rescuing american history, you want to rescue american history and then from revisionist and race hustlers. >> yes, revisionists and race hustlers, sounds pretty uncomplimentary, sounds pretty derogatory, frankly. tell us what you mean by that. >> what i mean be it, there are people who profit from the suffering of people.
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those today who are denigrating the police and they do not -- and as a consequence, we are seeing a rise in violence in these communities. but the violence is not of occurring in the communities where a lot of these advocates who are defunding the police abide. and so i spend 80% of the people that we serve at the woodson center live in those at-risk communities. they are the ones who 80% of blacks say they're not supportive of defund the police but a lot of the so-called social of justice warriors campaign on attacking the police and they make generous incomes now providing consulting services to school systems, to corporations, in the name of
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equity training, racial audits, hundreds of millions of dollars are being poured into what i call the race grievance industry. and in fact, if you look at the poverty programs over the past 20, 50 years, i did a lot of research on where that money went. $22 trillion, 70-cents of every dollar spent on poverty programs did not go to the poor. it went to those who served the poor and they are the professional service providers. so we created a commodity out of poor people. where the question is, which problems are fundable, not which ones are solveable. so that's why after $22 trillion, blacks running these major urban centers, running these programs, why do we have the deterioration of
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these cities if poverty and race were the solution, then why in the face of $22 trillion expended, blacks running most of those systems that are failing, then obviously just concentrating on race is not the answer. >> now, just a moment ago, and in the book you talk about race grievance and you talk about the perpetrators of race he grievan. are there circumstances in which voicing a racial grievance is the right thing to do? >> absolutely. >> okay. >> absolutely. i fought in the civil rights movement when there were legitimate racial issues. i've been to jail. i know what that's like. i lived in the segregated south and i was in the military. i had 12 credits from the
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university of miami when i could not walk on the campus. because of segregation. and what we demanded then and a also i know if a black committed a crime against another black in the south, often they weren't even punished for it and we said that that diminished black life. but if a black committed a crime against a white person they would be treated severely. we wanted to even the playing fields. we said we should be judged by a single standard of justice and that's what we fought for. but now this is changing to the point where when 8,000 blacks are killing other blacks and we don't -- there's no outrage but when 18 blacks are killed by -- like in george floyd's case, we treat it as if it's an epidemic and there's outrage about it and as a consequence, it means that
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we then -- we say that the police departments are an extension of white supremacy and now we villify them and as a consequence, they step back. but a lot of the so-called leaders, they live in secure communities. they live in buildings where there is security or gated communities so many of the people who are advocating defund the police and villifying them don't have to live with the consequences of their advocacy. >> now, you indicated in your last answer, you're a person who lived substantial part of your life under jim crow segregation. if you're from the deep south, you have seen up close racial oppression. >> yes. >> okay.
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now, -- and in your book, in your book your opening essay, there are places you say, listen, i'll just read. you say slavery and discrimination undeniably are a tragic part of our nation's history and in other places you say that. do you think that that part of the story, that part of the american chronicle, do you think that that part of the story is underplayed? >> absolutely. >> okay. >> absolutely. >> well, elaborate. under what circumstances today is that underplayed. >> we need tell the complete story of the horrors of slavery, of the horrors of discrimination.
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we need to tell that story. but i believe that conditions that existed then are not the conditions that exist now. >> okay. >> i give the example in my talk sometimes about a farmer coming to a stream, with his mule and they get to that stream and it's three feet high, going at 20 miles an hour and he pulls him in and they get washed down the stream. they come to the same place a year later, the stream is six inches. but the mule refuses to go in because the mule has good memory but poor judgment. many of us have good memories and we act as if conditions have not improved since the '60s. so we engage in strategies where we are acting as if conditions have not improved. and our strategic position should adjust to our strategic circumstance and that's not happening. >> okay.
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but i mean, i can imagine someone saying, listen, don't we need to distinguish between what one thinks would be useful, prudent, productive policy today, race policy, social policy in general, i can imagine somebody saying that's one conversation. the conversation about history, though they overlap, it's still an end pent issue and -- independent issue and i can imagine someone saying with respect to american history, it is still the case that too many americans, particularly white americans, are notice sufficiently educated about some of the aspects that you just talked about. again, we don't need to go back to slavery. we don't have to go back that far. we can go back to subjects which are in your lifetime. you know, what do you say to the
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person who said, listen, our beef is that too many people do not know that, you know, in 1941 black people didn't even have the right to fight for democracy and what we want is for our educational system to more fully educate everybody about the fullness of american history, its good sides but its ugly sides too. what would you say to that person. >> absolutely, i would say we need to do it but we also need to say to ourselves that we are not defined solely by external barriers. >> okay. >> that it's dangerous and i think lethal to say to young people today that if you are dropping out of school, it's not your fault. if you're carrying guns and destroying things, it's not your fault. if you're having children out of wedlock and not caring for them, it's not your fault.
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there's nothing more lethal than telling a person that they are exempt from any personal responsibility. and many of the people who are supposed to be social justice advocates and progressives continue this drumbeat of saying to young blacks that they are not responsible until white people change, there's little you can expect your life to improve. and that puts the only risk on white people to determine the agency of black people. and that's a dangerous i think self-defeating message for people to say that somehow my destiny is determined by what others have done. let me give you an example of what i'm saying. people are motivated, when you give them victories that are possible, not constantly reminding them of injuries to be avoided. >> go ahead, i'm sorry. >> what we do is, for instance, we talk about the education gap.
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in 1920, in the south, the education gap between whites and blacks was three years. it was eighth grade for white, fifth grade for blacks. what was our response. julius roseenwald partnered with booker t washington and they built 5,000 schools. roseenwald put up half the mean, 4 million and blacks raised the other 4 million and they participated. as a consequence of the roseenwald schools, in 1940 of e education gap closed within six months. if we were able to close it -- when our classrooms were crowded, we would have used textbooks and half the budgets of white schools. if we were able to accomplish this closing of the education gap in the midst of racism, when racism was enshrined in law, the question is, why can't we do it
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today in institutions run by our own people for the last 40 years with the per capital expenditures as high as it is for an education. don't we deserve a right to have these questions at least discussed? >> now, it seems to me there's a paradox in what you just said. on the one hand, you're very much in the school of black history in which i was socialized. i associated with people like carter g woodson and, you know, people who focused on what we've done, what we've been able to overcome, you know, first. you get your ebony magazine and every month they would have the first this, the first that, telling people about what we
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have been able to accomplish. and i think there's a lot of good to that. here's a question i have for you, he though. isn't s it true that in the past half century there have also been a lot of firsts. i mean, wasn't there a lot of achievement in every phase of the civil rights movement, both those phases that you embrace and, frankly, phases maybe that you were critical of. i mean, black people seems to me have been coming on and have been making way, have been making advances. >> sure. >> including in the last several decades, including people who have ideas that you criticize. i mean, wouldn't you agree to that? >> sure. but it's important to recognize that the biggest issue that i have is that when you generalize about any group of people and
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then you try to apply remedies, the benefit goes to those at the top instead of at the bottom. you cannot generalize about black people any more than you can white people or hispanic and when you do -- i'll give you an example. right now, coca-cola, its gestures towards responding to a charge of institutional racism, so what is the remedy that coca-cola and other companies propose? making sure that a third of all the attorneys who serve the company are black. twitter, all these other companies, tell me how the hell that helps some black woman on public assistance living in public housing, how does it do that. the same with women. the me too movement got animated by a black woman seeking to help
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other black women in new york who were abused, come together as in a mutual support. so wealthy middle class white women came in and seized it and made it the me too movement and now the concentration is on some white woman getting abused on the casting couch in hollywood. and so what are the remedies for that? women, in california, women will be required to be serving on boards of directors. women who will be in corporate positions. tell me how that helps the thousands of black and hispanic women that are in our prisons or in our communities. but we have just passed an you agenda to -- an agenda to help women. as look as we focus on groups,
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we won't help the people i care about, and that is the least of god's children. the other problem with focusing on race is that when evil wears a black face it does not get challenged. i'll give you an example. geraldo rivera several years ago did a two hour documentary on sexual abuse of women in prison. every one of the victims he interviewed were black. every one of the victims were black. it didn't provoke a single day of discussion. not a single day. because evil has to wear a white face before it attracts any attention and as long as that continues, it's always going to be detrimental. that's why i think we ought to be emphasizing upward mobility of low income people instead of looking at life through you the prism of race because it means people like you and me will benefit. and people who look like us in
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these high crime, drug infested neighborhoods, they will not benefit but we can walk around all proud and look at what accomplish -- what we've accomplished but it's coming at the expense of others in that community. >> one of the things that's interesting about what you just said, and what you just said you accentuate very much at the very end of the introduction to the book, you quote adolf reed and you quote adolf reed and adolf -- he says identity is very much the ideology of the professional management class. they prefer to talk about identity over capitalism and the inequities of capitalism. we have an atrocious wealth had gap in this country. it's not a black and white welt wealth gap, it's a wealth gap.
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and then he says some more. what i find interesting is a lot of people i think would call you -- and maybe you call yourself a conservative. [laughter] >> i mean, many of the people that you laud, you laud their entrepreneur verve, there's much about your profile that i think many people would type as conservative. yet, you quote adolf reed. adolf reed calls himself a socialist and he in this dimension, anyway, would very much agree with you and actually say that his part of his criticism of the civil rights movement would be that it was, you know, yeah, it opened doors for people like you, for people like me, but it didn't do as much as he would have liked for
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william julius wilson calls the truly disadvantaged. what do you have to say about labels? that's sort of an interesting thing. on the one hand, you're viewed as a conservative. on the other hand, you're embracing the truly disadvantaged and you're criticizing people for not helping out enough the truly disadvantaged. your reaction to all of that? >> your explanation says it all. because i don't define myself as a conservative. i define myself -- my political philosophy as radical pragmatist. i am a cardiac christian who is a radical pragmatist. someone said it doesn't matter what people call you, is what you respond to that's important. we all have reference groups.
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my reference groups are low income people that i have served all of my life. 80% of my closest friends have letters in front of their names, not in back of their names. such as ex this and ex that. and for the past few years we have convened people like this from all over the country and not once, they're black, they're white, they're red, not once did the issue of racial antagonism come up because most of the people in need in these communities are more concerned about their brokenness and their strategies towards redemption than they are political labels. so i will support anybody that puts in place policies and practices that elevates the least of god's children. and that will never be done as long as we tried to do this by
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looking at people through racial categories. the issue of america today is more class than it is race. i brought together jd vance and clarence page, clarence page wouldn't be considered conservative. or bernard anderson, my good friend bernie who is a part of our movement. deliberately stayed out of politics. if you go to any state in the union and go into a low income community, you cannot tell which political parties are held. bill bennett said when liberals look at the poor and blacks, they see a sea of victims and conservatives see a sea of aliens. and so the issue is i'm a radical pragmatist. all i want to know is whether or not the policies and practices you promote have the consequence of improving the lot of the least of us. what are you doing, like people in prison.
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is as long as we are compelled to look at each other through the prism of race the deeper and more troublesome problems we are facing. >> host: okay, now i think it there are a lot of folks who actually would agree with what
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you say but who also would agree with large parts of the people that you criticize harshly. i have a question for you. why do you for instance, you know you use this term in your title where you talk about the purveyors of racial grievance. i mean, you know the black community has people say different things and you agree with some of them and you agree with some of them. what would you say to someone who said in reaction to your book i agree with a lot of with what mr. woodson says that i think he does himself a disservice by putting down in a
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quiet personal way people with whom he disagrees. how would you respond to that? >> guest: i tried to approach people and away -- i'm not demeaning to anybody. i don't think that's the way forward. there is no one that i try to demean but i have to be candid and i have to be truthful and that is somebody is doing something that is harmful to somebody then i have to speak out about this. i have been involved inside institutions where millions of dollars have been given to help the poor and i have personally witnessed this time and time again how the bait and switch game occurs and i guess this is what bothers me.
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when you have blacks who betray poor blacks there is never any outcry. kwame kirkpatrick the mayor of detroit who for years has been stealing money from poor people in that city and he was able to run successfully for re-election using the race defense and there are thousands of low income pensioners now who pot pensions funds are short because of the 40 people yes as part of his criminal empire who went to prison. there's no outcry as far as i'm concerned. someone like kwame kirkpatrick and others who use their trusts to enrich themselves at the expense of poor people aarp he gets. to me they are traders -- traders.
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the traitor is someone who you trust and they violate that trust in violation of view so as far as i'm concerned don't tell me that some day get who is my enemy i would say the greater enemy is people you trust to violate that trust. so if that offends people then so be it. >> host: the example you just use it was the example of a person who committed crimes. he was a person who was defective and he was corrupt and so that's not the sort of thing i'm thinking about. what i was thinking about, let me tell you i'm going to go autobiographical here. my father, my father louis h.
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kennedy senior was a man from louisiana who was born in 1917. he saw the horrors of racial oppression in the deep south. he was a man who believed very much in personal responsibility and the responsibility of people to make it regardless and he did. he married my mother. they were part of the great migration. they came north. they raised three children. all three children are college graduates. gainfully employed. my folks were coming you know, churchgoing folk. i think they are both people of blessed memory but if you met them i think we would like them. >> guest: i would love them.
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at the same time let me say this about my father. my father never forgave the united states of america for what he viewed as this new trail of black people and for him i think the sort of the place where this crystallized, he was a soldier during world war ii and he saw the united states of america betraying black people in uniform and he never got over that. now i'm not saying, i'm not saying that he was right and i'm not saying that he is wrong, i think there are elements of which you say in which you two would be high-fiving but there's also elements in which he believed that it's very much in sync with the 1619 project that
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millions of people are criticizing. what do we do? >> guest: okay but let's spend the rest of this time talking about it. we didn't do this as a confrontational instrument. we did it to say to people you need to look beyond the hidden triggers. you remember that program up test control. there's a moment where we are looking for elliptical orbits and hyperbolic orbits. she went back and got a degree in geology and maybe we need to go back and look at what we did successfully under the worst conditions as to how we are going to bring some of those bodies to new reality. the woodson center is proposing
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is that maybe to call a moratorium and let's come together and learn from how we were able to build hotels or 100 universities and schools back then how 20 born died millionaires. robert small went back to the plantation in which he was a and as an active grace. your dad lived by the principles but despite his feelings that's what we are talking about so he wrote these essays to inspire people to use it as a foundation to rebuild our community. not to engage in a debate, no. we ought to be coming together to talk about how we can rebuild. the leading cause of death among
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kids in the inner city is homicide. in alaska the leading cause of death is prescription drugs. in silicon valley that teenage suicide rate is six times the national average. so what we are doing we have 2500 black mothers who lost their children to urban violence. they are supportive of the police. they have come together for mutual aid. we want to bring them together with the mothers from silicon valley but so that we can discuss strategies to fill that empty hole in the hearts of our children to value life to the point where they want to take their own life or someone else's. these are the more critical problems we are facing that we can't do that if we are constantly divided.
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that's where the woodson center of 1776 wants to see race so we can use our energies and our resources and our best thinking about the moorish -- moral and spiritual freefall that's consuming us and destroying our children. >> host: was happy to hear you mention robert small. i was born in south carolina and you were talking about a south carolinians and i like that. in your book, there are certain figures and in fact in your discussion you mention certain figures and to really stand out. one is frederick douglass. you quote douglas a number of times and douglas well
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ultra-slavery and the other person you talk about or that you mention was tremendous respect took her to washington who of course wrote up from slavery. who are others let's say in the poorest -- post-world war ii era since 1945? if somebody came up to you and said listen i'm hearing what you are saying and it's resonating with me. who are people, they can either be journalists, they can be historians, they can be political scientists, they can be whatever, sailors. who are the people that you would urge people to read and pay attention to lacks >> guest: some of them might be contemporary.
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i think in somerset new jersey would certainly be one. there are a number of them. willie peterson in cincinnati ohio. most of the leaders are not national figures. they are local. there are thousands. there is one woman who is profiled on "60 minutes." she went into a public housing development and turned it around to the point where the drug dealers were driven out and tammy green washington d.c. another local leader. and so there are hundreds of inspiring grassroots leaders and pastors who are doing phenomenal work and corey brooks in chicago. there are thousands of indigenous leaders you are what
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i call -- the triumphs of joseph. joseph was important because even though he was treated unjustly like your father he never became a citizen and he ended up facing not only his brothers who betrayed him but also the people who him. here's an example of radical grace so it's important for people not to get caught up in resentment because hatred and resentment and animosity consumes you. some say it's like taking poison and expecting the other person to die. and so what we are trying to emphasize in this book, we want to inspire people to come together to look deonte race and focus more on upward mobility or those at the bottom and just use
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our talent instead of always fighting each other. i don't want to engage in the tribal warfare that we are seeing today but there are people who profit of antagonism and they are the race hustlers. they are the people who know better and don't ask better. i call them -- and if it angers them fine but if it promotes this kind of discussion that i've accomplished something. plus the one of the things that's interesting, i asked you the names and this seems to me the one issue working is the whole question of what do we call, what do we consider leadership because i asked you the question and you went to local people, frankly i'll bet most of the people that you mentioned, many in the people in her audience will not have heard
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of unless they were in that locale. and so and in fact you use the term indigenous people. you talk about people started being in a locale, local people and i think there's sort of a disconnect because oftentimes when people frankly in my mind when people ask about leaders and you're thinking about national leaders. they are thinking about people who are at universities like mine. they are thinking of people who were in the big newspapers, the big-time columnists and so the whole question and it seems to me one of the things that you are getting at is you actually want to nurture and also shine more light on and lift up a different type of leader. it's not that you are against
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these other people you know, fine and dandy but there's another type of leader who it seems to me you are saying maybe doesn't get enough support. react to that. >> guest: you are absolutely right. that's what i want to do. we need to really study, in other words our market economy should operate -- only 3% of people in our market economy are entrepreneurs that they generate 70% of all the jobs. innovation comes from when and -- from within. smart people have to have all the answers when they act and when they act the opportunity is gone but i look at that same paradigm and say that if somebody was able to for instance we went into an area of washington d.c. where there were
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63 gang murders in a five block area in two years. i called the alliance to have the trust and confidence of the committee and the 12-year-old boy was killed and they brought in 16 young men to my office downtown and they worked on a truce and they took the same young men who were terrorized in the community and turned them into ambassadors and we didn't have a single gang murder in 12 years. we harvested these principles that we learn from this and have now applied to other cities so that's what i mean by leadership for instance steve jobs created an instrument that now 60% of
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income didn't exist eight years ago. that's how local innovation can occur. i'm hoping a local grassroots leaders are able to stop 53 murders that it will provide a model for the nation. >> host: how do you scale something like that? the united states of america is so huge. we have 300 million people over this gigantic landmass. all of these cities and all of these different cities but we also have rural areas and we have problems everywhere. how do we localize the social, financial, all of the different source of resources that would
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be needed to effectively address the sorts of problems that are most on your mind. >> guest: we are at this point where we are seeking that kind of help from corporate american from others. we have a group in washington d.c. the alliance of concerned men that for three to four months they were in one of the most violent areas of washington d.c. and for three or four months there was not a single violent incident because of their intervention. we ought to have been racing there with resources and practical assistance to answer that question to say let's find out what you did, how you did it and provide you all the resources you need and the technical skills that it takes for people who know how to
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market to a larger audience. we want to partner with them so that in a public relations aspect we ought to be mobilizing around we have innovation that occurs in the local community. that's one of the challenges we are facing and we are at the point now where we are seeking reaching out to people with resources not just money but the wherewithal to partner with us because we are social entrepreneurs that we need to join together with business entrepreneurs so that we can answer just that question. >> host: you mentioned business and you mentioned companies. what about government? the government as far as i'm concerned does have a role but not a leading role it has in order for entrepreneurs to function you need the maximum amount of flexibility.
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so that you can address that. in fact if you or your listeners were to go onto youtube and put in violence milwaukee you will see an example of how and also there's a commercial for my other book lessons from the least of these is a book that i published that has 10 principles that answer the question that you just asked how do you identify grassroots sources and how to provide assistance to them and how can we rebuild our culture from the bottom up from the inside out. >> host: mr. woods and we only have time for one last question so let me put this to you. is there anything that you would have liked for me to have asked you? is there anything for you know
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in your mind about this subject that you would like to convey to our audience before we have to wrap it up and go? >> guest: yes. i want to say that there is a real urgency for us to end this racial strife and preble at -- tribalism because if blacks are able to play race so can white people and i think unless we are able to push back against this racialization and pushing these limits it's not going to be long before whites begin to respond in kind and i think we could face violence on a level that we have never seen before. there's a certain urgency that we have to move beyond race and i just think there's an urgency to it. of course there would be many
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people would who would jump in right now and say what do you mean whites might start using race, whites have been using race and are using race. >> guest: it's very interesting and this is where we are not truthful. when i talk about a nation being racially assaulted in california somewhere and they don't mention the race of the perpetrator 80 to 90% of the attack on nations are being done by the blacks. it does not fit the racial narrative and it's a shame that we are being misled because there is an incentive not to be truthful about what's happening in this country. whites are not attacking blacks. we are killing our children.
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they are not coming into our community shooting our children. 94% of the murders are black-on-black. >> host: on that note and of course we could go on for hours. this is a huge subject but thank you very much for this conversation and i look forward some time to being able to meet you face to face. >> you are a great interviewer. >> host: thank you very much. the well. >> guest: thank you.
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spent we start with nellie bly where any reporter of this air is probably nellie bly and she has a young woman in western pennsylvania finagled her way into jobs of dispatch without a lot of experience but that didn't hold her back. in slightly more than a year she said new york's is the place to be and i'm going to go to new york and work for the rest. the best. she spent months trying to look for a job. women were not high demand.
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but she got her first assignment at pulitzers by volunteering to get herself committed and she spent 10 days they are and she came out with this exclusive exposé about the way that women were being treated and the fact that many of them weren't even mentally ill. they were poor orb porat english or women that their families wanted to get rid of. on the one hand it's a valuable piece of journalism and on the other hand she told it in a way that was very good reading. she was at great narrator and she is a lot of dialogue and the characters she created were sympathetic and her voice was
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very funny. she used a lot of simple sentences and great detail and it sold a lot of papers. right after that like within a year all of these newspapers wanted to hire young women to be similar to nellie bly. it opened the door of opportunity that allowed women to be able to walk through.
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